The New Tribalism Supplants The Old

(News analysis) Rosa DeLauro saw Margaret Streicker’s hand of Italian-Americans — and raised it by 200 Jews.

In the evolving poker game known as campaign politics, that’s one way to look at the latest shows of support in the race for New Haven’s Third U.S. Congressional District.

At first glance, the shows of support for the candidates may appear like old-fashioned ethnic and religious campaign pitches.

On closer inspection, they seem to turn some traditional notions about ethnic politics on their heads. That may reflect a new breed of tribalism muscling into campaign politics, based on ​“red” and ​“blue” ideology or instincts at least as much, if not more, than race or ethnicity.

Define ​“Italian,” ​“Jewish”

The latest round began Oct. 21, when Republican candidate Margaret Streicker received the endorsement of two co-founders of a group called the Italian American Heritage Group.

“If you are a proud Italian American,” the group’s co-founders Marc Conte and Louis Pane, are quoted as saying in an endorsement release, ​“vote for Margaret Streicker.”

Streicker won the endorsement by supporting a subset of Italian-Americans who protested when the city removed the statue of Christopher Columbus from Wooster Square Park this summer. She showed up and chastised DeLauro, basically accusing her of turning her back on her neighborhood. Read about that here.

Streicker is not Italian-American. Her two opponents, incumbent Democrat Rosa DeLauro and Green Justin Paglino, are. DeLauro is the most prominent Italian-American elected official in the region. Her parents were leading Italian-American political figures for decades. She grew up in Wooster Square when it was the center of Italian-American life in the region.

Streicker does have Italian-American kids; she was previously married to a man from Italy. She needled DeLauro when the candidates participated in a debate last week. Speaking in Italian, she accused DeLauro of losing her way on the statue issue.

DeLauro responded the day after the debate by releasing her own endorsement letter from some four dozen prominent Italian-Americans in town. Click here to read it.

Streicker is Jewish. She makes a point of that fact. Because if elected, she would become the first Jewish Republican Congresswoman in decades.

At the debate, DeLauro and Paglino made a point of mentioning that they are married to Jewish spouses.

Also at the debate, the candidates were asked about the search for Israeli-Palestinian peace (in above video). Streicker gave what in the past has served as the most conventionally ​“pro-Israel” response to a question about the proposed two-state solution. Paglino and DeLauro said they support the two-state solution. Streicker said she supports ​“whatever” approach Israel supports, and referred viewers to her support on her website for the lobbying group AIPAC.

Then, on Monday, more than 200 Jewish leaders and civic volunteers released an endorsement letter — of DeLauro, not Streicker. It’s a prominent list of endorsers, including religious leaders, business leaders, philanthropists, professors, liberals, moderates — much of the regional Jewish establishment, and then some.

The letter from Jewish leaders — read it here — doesn’t mention Israel. It doesn’t mention religious issues. It mentions DeLauro’s support for raising the minimum wage, for the Affordable Care Act and child nutrition support and college aid and paid family and medical leave. ​“Rosa is as indefatigable, passionate and committed to fighting for social justice, economic opportunity, education and working families as she has been since she was first elected,” the letter reads in part. It is written in ​“blue” ink.

Similarly, Rabbi Shmully Hecht, who runs the Shabtai Society and the Pike International real estate firm, did not cite specifically Jewish causes as he told the Independent Monday evening why he has endorsed Streicker: ​“The policies of the Left have failed New Haven youth for a generation. Margaret has a strong policy on supporting our youth through education, job training, trade schools and a path out of poverty.”

21st Century Tribes

Underlying this scramble of Italian-themed endorsements for the Jewish candidate running against the Jewish-backed Italian-American candidate is a broader scrambling of American politics.

Candidates still definitely appeal to ethnic groups, and benefit from sharing a similar background.

But that reaps fewer and fewer rewards, observed Vincent Mauro, Jr.

He should know. He grew up breathing political campaigns. His late father was Democratic town chair, as was his uncle, the legendary machine boss Arthur Barbieri. Now Mauro serves as Democratic town chair.

“It’s a page out of an old playbook. I’m not sure a useful playbook anymore,” Mauro said in an interview about direct racial and ethnic appeals.

“I don’t know how many Jewish people are voting for Streicker because she’s Jewish or how many Italian people are voting for DeLauro because she’s Italian. I just don’t see it anymore.”

Mauro chalked part of the reason up to technology. Voters interested in knowing about candidates now have instant access to copious information about them on their smartphones.

Yes, as this year’s pitches reflect, there’s still a sense that some people respond to ethnic or religious appeals.

But as the recent Third District ethnic campaign scramble demonstrates, another, perhaps related, dynamic is also at play: A new primary identification of tribe in American politics.

Call it ​“red” states versus ​“blue” states. Or ​“red” states of mind versus ​“blue” states of mind, both conservative-versus-liberal ideological dueling or more cultural and class divisions. Or, nowadays, a chasm that is defined almost entirely as pro- or anti-Donald Trump.

Take the Wooster Square statue controversy. More Italian-American leaders actually supported the removal of the statue, at least publicly. The opponents were already in a camp predisposed to vote against a Democratic liberal like Rosa DeLauro. Yes, Italian-American pride had a lot to do with the opposition. But the bigger dividing line is red-blue/Trump-non-Trump — whether to remove or leave intact statues of historical figures whose legacies have come under withering reassessment from the left.

Or take the endorsement Streicker received from New Haven’s police union. That union never endorsed a Congressional candidate before. This year police unions are flocking to endorse Republicans who, like Trump and Streicker, attack Democrats for insufficiently supporting police and who proclaim ​“Blue Lives Matter” instead of ​“Black Lives Matter.”

“People see it at their Thanksgiving tables,” Mauro observed. ​“They see it among their friends. How many people stopped talking to relatives and friends because ​‘You’re a Trump person’? ​‘You’re a Biden person’? ​‘You were a Hillary person’? … ​‘You’re a snowflake.’ ​‘You’re a racist’ …That became more relevant than how many vowels are in your last name, or what church you go to, or what synagogue you go to.”

Retired probate judge Jack Keyes has seen that evolution firsthand. Keyes began working on elections in 1960 at age 13, for John F. Kennedy. As an Irish-American, ​“I hadn’t been exposed to anybody who didn’t think Kennedy was God” until he started knocking on doors. Back then, he observed, voters’ primary identification ​“used to come from the church or the hall.” And that’s often how they voted. He cited the mayoral election of 1947, when the Democrats and Republicans each put up Italian-American candidates (Frank Anastasio and William Celentano, respectively). ​“The Irish were so pissed, the Socialist [Party candidate] got 10,000 votes,” Keyes noted.

New Haven remained that way for decades, Keyes noted. No longer.

Now ​“the messengers are different”: A voter’s political identity is just as easily shaped by what newspapers or news sites they read. Or whether or not they watch Sean Hannity each night on Fox News. Or Rachel Maddow on MSNBC.