Hamden Confronts Legacy Of Segregation

Marissa Dionne Mead moved to Hamden’s Spring Glen neighborhood five years ago after spending the first part of her life in cities like Middletown and New Haven. The suburbs were new to her, but now that she had kids, it seemed like the right place to settle down.

When George Floyd was murdered by police in Minneapolis in May 2020, her neighborhood — while predominantly white — united around the Black Lives Matter movement.

“Folks were online, coordinating purchasing yard signs,” Mead said. ​“We as a neighborhood bought hundreds of signs and put them up all over our neighborhood.”

Mead, who is white, was startled when, days later, the same people who were coordinating the purchase of yard signs took to Facebook to protest a zoning change that could pave the way for a new multifamily housing development on the edge of Spring Glen, at 55 Connolly Parkway. (Click here and here for news coverage on that change.)

Here’s the petition Mead’s neighbors circulated online, which referenced concerns about loss of open space.

A post on the Spring Glen Civic Association website also listed concerns about how ​“multi-family housing on Connolly Parkway will increase traffic through the neighborhood.”

Mead saw a different message between the lines.

“It would bring a different scale of housing, a different size,” Mead said of the proposal.

“With diverse housing types come diverse populations in age, race and economics. To me, and to some others, it seemed like there was a disconnect between what we were saying we were supporting by putting these signs in our yards and what we were actually as a neighborhood doing — trying to prevent diversity.”

For Black people living in Hamden, this realization was already a part of daily life.

“We know that segregation is illegal,” said Rhonda Caldwell, lead organizer for Hamden Action Now. ​“The things that impact real estate in our communities are obvious and apparent but you can’t prove it because it’s not legal so you can’t call it that. When I say there is segregation in Hamden, well the data says that Black people mostly live down in Newhall — segregation doesn’t mean what it used to.”

Legislative Council member Justin Farmer grew up in the Newhall district, in southern Hamden across the border from New Haven’s Newhallville neighborhood. Farmer, who is Black, noted that Hamden is the product of New Haven’s white flight, which began in the 1950s. When white people fled New Haven and its increasing population of people of color, they settled in places like Spring Glen.

In order to keep these neighborhoods as white safe havens, deeds associated with these homes contained language indicating that ​“no persons of any race other than the white race shall use or occupy any building on any lot … except by domestic servants.”

The historical legacy of ​“redlining,” or denial of mortgages and other services on the basis of race, led to many Black people settling together in the areas where they could get a loan. These locations were often less desirable than zones not redlined

Much of the current housing in Hamden, and across the U.S. was built between the 1930s and 1970s and backed by federal mortgages administered by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). Rules prohibited FHA officers from granting mortgages to Black buyers in certain areas that the government wanted to remain white.

Since many families in Hamden choose to pass their home down to future generations, the pattern of whiteness has remained in many neighborhoods, even as explicit Jim Crow laws are in the past.

“It has a great level of homogeneity from its conception, so you can see that people moving into your community, who don’t have as deep of roots, who don’t look like you, play into tensions around zoning, housing and employment,” Farmer said.

“That’s A Nice Community”

As a 27-year-old Black man, Tyrese Ford said, he’d have to consider his comfort level before deciding if he could go to Spring Glen.

“Would I feel comfortable going to Spring Glen, myself as a Black man and see everyone there not look like me?” said Ford, a lifelong resident of the Whitneyville neighborhood. ​“I haven’t really gone to Spring Glen just to hang out, and I think that in and of itself says quite a lot about the neighborhood and my perception of it. I never had a reason to even though I had friends in that area.”

Caldwell, who is Black, used to live in Spring Glen.

She noted that homes in Spring Glen often stay within the families, passed down from white family member to white family member, perpetuating patterns of segregation established in previous generations.

“In order to maintain segregation and living in a segregated community, [white people] are willing to pay a premium for real estate to be able to get that level of exclusivity,” Caldwell said.

These were some of the same tensions that led Spring Glen residents to protest the new development on the edge of their neighborhood. Caldwell said critics may encourage people of color to simply ​“buy a house in Spring Glen” to help reduce segregation but said the answer isn’t this easy.

“I hear people say, ​‘That’s a nice community, that’s a coveted community,’” Caldwell said. ​“People are willing to pay. If there is a high demand for that supply of housing then the prices go up. If the demand is high because of the exclusivity of the whiteness, that is going to drive the price up.”

Caldwell pointed out that the goal of changing zoning is to bring diversity so it would make sense that white people who paid a premium to live in a white neighborhood would protest movements to diversify.

“I lived in Spring Glen. I probably wouldn’t live there again,” said Caldwell, who now lives near the Bear Path School. ​“It’s pretty isolating of a community. It’s intentional. The community for decades, since it was created in the 1920s, was built for white families.”

Changing Times, Changing Demographics

German families dominated the Newhall section in the early 1900s. It became identified as more of an Italian-American community in the 1950s. Now most of the families are Black.

“It is zoned in a weird way, because there used to be a lot of factories here. And factory jobs were very important in a lot of ways,” Farmer said.

Over time, a trolley — which ran up and down Whitney Avenue — stopped its service and the town replaced it with a road. People with cars moved north into Hamden when factory jobs became scarce, leaving behind a community in the Newhall area of people without cars or jobs.

The neighborhood that remained was a mixture of industrial and residential zoning built on a ​“brownfields,” where soil contains toxic contaminants.

“Knowing that it was toxic, [manufacturers] sold it to Black and brown community members, and in this community since I have been here, 20 of my 26 years of life, there’s been 18 or 19 houses that have sunken into the ground,” Farmer said. ​“My childhood home, which was across the street from the house I live in now, actually sunk into the ground.”

Nowadays, before land is sold, the person selling it must disclose any problems with the property. That was not the case when Farmer’s family and others moved in.

“If I sold a community bad goods on purpose? Imagine today people found out you sold me a house with problems and I paid more than the value of it, so now I am underwater and even if I can get someone to sell it, I have to disclose the problems with it or else I am liable,” Farmer said. ​“That justice wasn’t served to many people in this community.”

Newhall now has a zoning overlay labeling its land as brownfields. Spring Glen, the predominantly white neighborhood where Mead lives that resisted multifamily housing, also has an overlay, but for a different purpose.

“The Spring Glen village has certain specifications on how houses had to be built and had to look and be kept and maintained to prevent certain people from moving into the community,” Farmer said.

The Spring Glen Civic Association drafted the overlay and the town adopted a revised version in 2009 as a reaction to proposals for development along Whitney Avenue.

Leslie Crean, who served as the town planner in Hamden from 2003 to 2015, said her attempts to overhaul the zoning codes were thwarted by neighborhoods like Spring Glen.

“There is often a knee-jerk reaction by people who are afraid of change, or don’t understand, or who aren’t taking the time to look or don’t have the time to get together with neighbors to figure out what they want,” Crean said.

The first few drafts of the overlay created by the Civic Association were ​“patently not legal,” according to Crean. The suggestions the residents compiled were revised so they were legal and approved.

“If there is a resistance to change it means that on some level you are accepting what is existing,” Crean said. ​“Who does that benefit and who doesn’t that benefit?”

Define ​“Character”

When Jay Kaye of Spring Glen and former mayoral candidate first learned about the overlay that applied to the land in his neighborhood, he assumed it was an aesthetic decision to keep the architecture in the area consistent.

“I could see you wouldn’t want to build a shiny glass building because it doesn’t match the architectural character of the neighborhood,” said Kaye, who is white. ​“It is kind of a village style. That would make sense. But it was seeming like it was preventing even a village style of development.”

The overlay reads, ​“The purpose and intent of the Spring Glen Village District Regulations is to protect the unique character of Spring Glen, which is a primarily residential neighborhood…”

Kaye realized, after speaking with activists like Mead, that ​“character” was not referring to architectural character.

“I can’t necessarily say the intent of using those words,” Kaye said. ​“Maybe at the time it was ​‘We don’t want a lot of traffic. It will be too busy.’ But it just seems more recently the term ​‘character’ has come under question. I wouldn’t want to suggest that they were trying to keep people of color or a certain economic status out. I just think they are a little protective of their neighborhood. But one of the effects of protection is that it is exclusionary.”

The part of the zoning code that Crean eventually overhauled was allowing for some mixed zoning areas where both businesses and residential areas coexist.

“Although it was not done with racial segregation in mind, it was about looking to allow different things in different areas,” Crean said. 

She explained that these changes can lead to mixed-use structures, such as a building that has both housing and a commercial space.

“You can have the possibility of someone owning a building and renting an apartment there too,” she said.

Crean said the differences between the neighborhoods in Hamden are apparent. However, she said her role as town planner did not involve promoting racial integration.

“Planning is setting the table,” Crean said. ​“You make the rules that allow things to happen and there’s the rule of economic development, you encourage people to create their own businesses. Allowing things where they weren’t allowed before.”

The majority of zoning districts in Hamden that allow for three or more families to live together are in the southern portion of town. Fifty five percent of homes in town are zoned for only one family, and a one-family home is an expense many families cannot afford.

While the days of overt redlining have passed and efforts by people like Crean have made some differences, scars of the past remain. In Farmer’s neighborhood, it is hard to find a store to buy food anywhere in the area. The one store that sells groceries is ​“Save-a-lot.”

Save-a-lot ​“is a recycled grocer,” Farmer said. ​“They literally take produce from other grocery stores and resell it. You might buy fruits and vegetables and they may only last three or four days before they go bad. With the exception of that, in a 3.5 mile radius, there is no grocery store in this part of town — going on almost 15 years now.”

Ford lives in Whitneyville, which he described as a racially and socioeconomically diverse place that ​“treated him well” for the past 27 years.

“I am thinking about having a family and raising children and one of the questions is, ​‘How are my neighbors going to influence my child’s life and my child’s respect of all life?’” Ford said. ​“Are they actually going to experience diversity in their neighborhood?”

In the last several years, many of the remaining factories in southern Hamden have shut down. Farmer hoped they would become businesses that could create jobs. They all became churches.

“You have jobs and commerce here and instead of coming up with ideas on how to bring back opportunities and development, these gigantic factory buildings are churches,” Farmer said.

The churches include Bread of Life and Breakthrough Church. Additionally, a former U.S. mail sorting center in the area became a church.

According to Neighborhood Scout, the chances of becoming the victim of a property crime are one in 46 in Hamden as opposed to one in 70 in Connecticut as a whole.

“If you overlay the red lines with crime rates to see where the most crime is in different communities across the country, you will see most of the crime is where we segregated Black and brown people to be,” Farmer said.

Farmer suggested that any Hamden resident upset about the rise in crime should advocate investing in communities like his because that will decrease the need for police services.

Kaye, who ran for mayor in 2019 on the Republican Party ticket, said he is disappointed with how some of his fellow Republicans address this issue.

“My whole take on it is, this is America,” Kaye said. ​“We stand up for American principles and capitalism and economic growth and freedom for all, and if there are policies that are restrictive to a certain segment of Americans that are not able to participate in equal opportunities, then you are being a little hypocritical. If you are going to say all Americans deserve the pursuit of happiness and there are policies that prevent that, then you are going to want to take a stand against these policies.”

Zoning Matters

Mead recognized the same hypocrisy as Kaye, she said: Black Lives Matter signs directly contradict movements to prevent housing developments. Fighting zoning reform contradicts American principles of equality. Both work against diversifying a segregated town, and a segregated state.

Spring Forward Spring Glen is a grassroots organization spearheaded by Mead and another Spring Glen resident hoping to bring awareness to zoning problems in Hamden and the issues with the overlay on their neighborhood.

This organization is hyperlocal, part of a statewide movement to change town zoning codes.

“I found myself online trying to debunk arguments against the new development and connecting with other folks I knew and somebody that I connected with, Danielle Chapman, another mom in the neighborhood — she and I decided to harness that energy,” Mead said.

Both Mead and Chapman moved to the area recently, without realizing the demographics.

“It became more clear about the lack of diversity and the more we started to talk about it and learn about it we realized it wasn’t by accident,” Mead said. ​“We have this realization, we moved here, white families into this neighborhood, and our choices and the things we have done have not helped the situation of segregation. What can we do now that we know?”

Spring Forward is now a Facebook group with about 150 members. Mead and Chapman researched the history of zoning in town, while supporting existing groups advocating for housing equity.

“As a majority white neighborhood it’s on us to educate ourselves so we can go out there and be supportive to minority-led efforts,” Mead said.

The group developed a Powerpoint presentation on the problem and ways in which they hope to solve it. The four steps they outline are zoning, development, advocacy and outreach. As someone who previously lived in diverse neighborhoods, Mead said, she wants to stress the value of diversity.

“It’s history and zoning and regulations and laws, so at face value it doesn’t seem that exciting,” Mead said. ​“But when we condense down that information into a 30-minute presentation with the visuals, it is a lot of information people are surprised by. It came from the top down all the way to the local. Seeing how pervasive the discrimination was can be eye-opening for people.”

Aiming Statewide

Ford, a member of the Spring Forward Facebook group, said he’s impressed with Hamden’s efforts to right some of the wrongs of the past and called zoning reform ​“one step” in the right direction.

“I appreciate Hamden a lot for increasing its use of affordable housing all throughout Dixwell,” Ford said. ​“It is doing a lot for the community at large and what I mean by community at large is New Haven County. But we need other towns to step up. We need Woodbridge to step up. We need Cheshire to step up — they need to change their zoning laws so we can have affordable housing in all of New Haven County. It shouldn’t be concentrated in the city. All of the surrounding towns benefit.”

Desegregate CT is a nonprofit group working to push bills through the Connecticut state legislature to expand access to accessory dwelling units (ADUs) like garage apartments and additions to homes that would make more places for people to live. The group is also trying to shine a light on inequality and segregation in the state. (Click here and here to read more about the group’s efforts.)

Sara Bronin, a Hartford-based lawyer, founded Desegregate in the wake of racial unrest across the nation in 2020. Kevin Kurian is a policy fellow at Desegregate who joined the group in hopes of making a difference in the state where he grew up.

“Whether we like it or not, Connecticut is a segregated state,” Kurian said. ​“We see African Americans and other minorities live on less than 10 percent of our state’s land, mostly confined to our cities.”

Kurian, who grew up in Simsbury, often found himself wondering why he was one of few people of color. Simsbury has a Black, Indigenous, people of color population of 13 percent, according to Desegregate. Hamden’s BIPOC population is 44 percent. Simsbury only has one zoning district that allows for three-family houses. The rest are for one-family only.

“It is legitimately a policy choice,” Kurian said. ​“When you have local zoning regulations that restrict the growth of affordable housing or even market rate housing your town will be less accessible to minority communities.”

One proposal drafted by Desegregate and under consideration at the state legislature is SB 1024, ​“An act concerning zoning authority, certain design guidelines, qualifications of certain land use officials and certain sewage disposal systems.” On April 7, the bill was voted out of committee and will be scheduled for consideration in the House.

“The framework that we are operating under is that we strongly believe that local governments are important and we respect their right to determine what is best for their town and constituents,” Kurian said. ​“We sought to create a collaborative bill where state and local governments work together.”

The bill will first make it easier for towns to allow for the construction of ADUs. These are a quick way for towns to create more places for people to live in the form of ​“granny flats.” Kurian said these are often more affordable than other housing options.

“We will create housing for a younger, more diverse community but also for older Nutmeggers that want to stay near their family as well,” Kurian said.

Secondly, the bill will address parking. The bill would place a cap on the number of parking spots that a zoning regulator can force a property owner to create.

The bill also proposes changing the word ​“character,” as referenced in the Spring Glen overlay, to mean strictly physical characteristics of buildings.

“Our proposal would ensure ​“character” is not used against people, but used for the better delineation of the physical nature of our places,” the Desegregate CT website states.

Erin Boggs is the executive director of the Open Communities Alliance, a civil rights organization trying to integrate Connecticut. She said that while SB1024 is a start, the bill championed by Open Communities Alliance, HB6611, will go much further. (Read more about that group’s efforts here.)

Boggs argued that ADUs would mainly help older white family members of white home owners, rather than families.

“Accessory Dwelling Units are in-law apartments,” Boggs said. ​“They are not big enough for families with kids and in the bill they are not required to be affordable. They tend to be rented to family and friends. If you are talking about a white community you are talking about most likely a white family member or friend. They are not covered by the Fair Housing Act so you can discriminate.”

HB 6611 has been in the works for five years at the Open Communities Alliance and is modeled after a similar law in New Jersey. The bill would require the state to develop an estimate for the need for affordable housing (135,000 units) and allocate those out to regions and towns. In other words, towns with resources will be given a required number of affordable housing units that they will have to provide in order to meet the need. The bill was filed with the Legislative Commissioners’ Office on April 5 and will then be heard in the Senate.

Rhonda Caldwell said that while she thinks zoning reform is important, it is only one part of the solution. She encouraged governments, both local and national, to invest in underserved communities rather than trying to relocate families to create diversity.

“A lot of people don’t want to live in Spring Glen,” Caldwell said. ​“If they grew up in Newhallville and they are second and third generation Newhallville, they don’t want to move to Spring Glen. They want to live in a safe and clean community like everyone else. But these communities need reinvestment.”

With reinvestment can come gentrification, Caldwell noted. She stressed that communities need to find a balance in their efforts for reform.

“The minute that a community becomes gentrified it becomes out of the market for the Black and brown community,” Caldwell said. ​“If Newhall gets all this investment, white folks are going to want to move down there before you know it. The demand will go up and so will the prices. Next thing you know, the Black and brown folks who have been living there their whole life can’t afford it anymore.”

Diversity Matters

According to census estimates, by 2045, the number of people who identify as Hispanic, Black, Asian, ​“multiracial” or other, will outnumber non-Hispanic whites. Studies show that children who grow up in more diverse neighborhoods become more successful as adults in terms of income and education.

Lauren Garrett of the Hamden Democratic Town Committee noted that in 2019 the state mandated that Hamden remap some of its districts in order to integrate the schools in response to historical segregation.

“It has gotten so out of hand that our only solution here is to change the boundaries for our schools,” Garrett said. ​“It would be more helpful and more sustainable for us to desegregate our communities and neighborhoods than to change district boundaries every so often because we are not keeping up with affordable housing units going into all of our neighborhoods.”

The neighborhood that the state took issue with was the Church Street School. The state flagged the school for having an overwhelmingly non-white population despite representing a diverse neighborhood.

“We are out of balance there because we have too many students of color in one school, although it very much looks like the neighborhood in which it is situated,” noted Hamden Board of Education member Walter Morton IV.

Morton said there are bigger issues in other neighborhoods. The public school students in Hamden are 65 percent non-white. Spring Glen School is around 70 percent white, which Morton said fails to represent the demographics of the district in the same way Church Street School does.

“A school like Spring Glen, where a lot of people, like myself, would say this school does not have the diversity it needs, by the state’s definition and metric, Spring Glen doesn’t make the list,” Morton said. ​“We are being penalized because there are too few white kids at Church Street when that is a neighborhood that is overwhelmingly residents of color. The schools look like the neighborhood yet that made the hit list.”

Paul Geary, president of the Westwoods Neighborhood Association, who is white, said he has seen his neighborhood become more diverse in recent years.

“Diversity always makes a neighborhood better,” Geary said. ​“Sometimes you may think something about a certain group of people but it is harder to think those thoughts if those people are your friends and neighbors and you know those people.”

Kurian said it is important to acknowledge that the state of Connecticut hasn’t done its part so far to rectify the past and the time is now to address zoning reform.

“They call us the ​‘land of steady habits’ for a reason,” Kurian said of Connecticut. ​“I hope our zoning system right now is one steady habit that we can kick.”